Chris Boonzaier

Damn... It takes me longer to photograph them than it takes for you guys to identify them...! Thanks!

We hope to cover enough docs that we can help anyone who has one to understand his one a bit better. Best Chris

that should allow collectors to "place" their units. On the website we will be able to provide the "deeper" research, either about the units, the battles or eyewitness accounts... so, the doc and blurb as pictured above in the book, and a large chapter about machine gun units and their evolution on the website including many eye witness accounts of the actions.... Including the following from a comrade of the man whose document is pictured. On 24th June, hell broke in upon us. The unimaginable fury of an uninterrupted week-long drumfire by all calibres over the infantry trenches and over the artillery emplacements. Over more than a 50km breadth, the gentle hills of the Somme and of the Ancre river sink behind the brown curtain of millions of shell-bursts. Those of us whose dugouts had not been crushed, crouched below on the alert, took breaths, whether of smoke, dust or shell-bursts, gasping and with difficulty, believed by the third day that the unrelenting booming, rolling, cracking and bursting, on top of the shaking and trembling of the earth, would drive us mad. On the sixth and seventh days the fury seemed to increase, the dugout entrances were mostly blocked leaving, where it was going "well", space to crawl through; the nerves of the occupiers were dulled, a suppressed rage lay in the tortured minds and souls of the defenders, one thought dominating all: "when will they finally come?" After a terrible night, after the inferno of dawn "they're coming". - Finally! - relief - that the enemy turns to the attack. The sun shines brightly. It is the 1st July 1916. In the splendour of this summer's day the English columns advance to the attack. They have the certainty, that their week-long drumfire, precisely calculated to the square metre, has destroyed every atom of life in our position. The enemy's artillery fire suddenly transfers to our rear positions, onto the grounds of Serre village, onto the approach roads and the villages beyond. 250 to 400 Metres away from our destroyed trenches they advance to the attack! They advance in columns, in thick, packed lines of attack, behind which are drawn up support troops, Indian lancers, ready to turn the English breakthrough on the wing of the attack front into a devastating defeat of our centre. The English infantry have their rifles at their necks, hanging from their shoulders, ready for the stroll to Bapaume, to Cambrai, to the Rhine! The idea that there could still be life or any resistance in us (after this week) seems absurd to them! But now men crawl out of half-crushed dugouts, now men squeeze through shot-through tunnels, through buried dugout entrances, through broken, shattered timber frames, now they rise up between the dead and dying and call and cry out: "get out! get out! its the attack!" "They're coming". The sentries, who had to remain outside throughout the drumfire, rise out of the shell-holes. Dust and dirt lie a centimetre-thick on their faces and uniforms. Their cry of warning rings piercingly in the narrow gaps that form the dugout entrance. "Get out...get out...they're coming!" Now men rush to the surface and throw themselves into shell holes and craters; now they fling themselves in readiness at the crater's rim; now they rush forward under cover from the former second and third lines and place themselves in the first line of defence. Hand-grenades are being hauled by the box from shell-hole to shell-hole. There's a choking in every throat, a pressure which is released in a wild yell, in the battle-cry "they're coming, they're coming!" Finally the battle! The nightmare of this week-long drumfire is about to end, finally we can free ourselves of this week-long inner torment, no longer must we crouch in a flattened dugout like a mouse in a trap. No longer do we feel the dull impact of the shelter-breaker exploding downwards (an impact like a hammer-blow on the helmeted skull). No longer must we calm, hold down, tie down those men whom almost lose their minds through this pounding, booming and splintering, through difficulty in breathing and through the jerking and swaying of the dugout walls, and whom with overtly trembling limbs want to get up away from this hole and this mousetrap, up into the open air, into a landscape of raging flames and iron - a landscape of insanity and death. We call for a barrage!! Red flares climb high then fade away as they fall to the ground. Destructive fire and barrage fire leave masses of green and red marks in the sky! Dear God! The German barrage fire! Behind us the guns lie destroyed in their emplacements, their wheels upwards, their barrels in the dirt. An enormous crater left by the impact of the English heavy shells yawns at the site of the gun emplacements. Most of the crews are dead, lying buried in tunnels and bunkers. On the waggon-tracks that led to the gun batteries lie shot-up ammunition waggons, shattered gun-limbers, spilled cartridges and shells, dead drivers, and the carcasses of horses torn apart by direct- and near-hits. Our barrage is pitifully weak; there is no artillery in reserve. The summer of 1916, the time of the great artillery shortage. So it was that on 1st July 1916 almost everything depended on us - the infantry!1 Shots flew, whipped and cracked wildly into the enemy ranks, above us it hissed, whizzed and roared like a storm, like a hurricane; the path of the English shells which fell on what little artillery was left, on the support troops, on the rear-areas. Amidst all the roar, the clatter, the rumble and the bursts, the lashing out and wild firing of the riflemen, the firm, regular beat of our machine-guns is solid and calm; -tack-tack-tack-tack....this one slower, the other faster in rhythm! - precision work in materials and construction! - a terrible melody to the enemy, it gives a greater degree of security and inner calm to our own friends in the infantry and to the other ranks. The machine-gunners, who in quieter times were much mocked - and envied (excused from hauling ammunition!), are popular now! One belt after another is raced through! 250 Shots - 1000 shots - 3000 shots. "Bring up the spare gun-barrels" shouts the gun commander. The gun barrel's changed - carry on shooting! - 5000 shots - the gun-barrel has to be changed again. The barrel's scorching hot, the coolant's boiling - the gunners' hands are nearly scorched, scalded. "Carry on shooting" urges the gun commander "or be shot yourself!" The coolant in the gun jacket boils, vaporized by the furious shooting. In the heat of battle, the steam hose comes away from the opening of the water can into which the steam's meant to re-condense. A tall jet of steam sprays upwards, a fine target for the enemy. Its lucky for us that the sun's shining in their eyes and that it's behind us. Had the enemy used close-in covering fire in 1916 as became customary for both sides in 1917 and 1918, the situation would have been highly critical for us.2 The enemy's getting closer; we keep up our continuous fire! The steam dies away, again the barrel needs changing! The coolant's nearly all vaporized. "Where's there water?" shouts the gunlayer. There's soda water (iron rations from the dugout) down below. "There's none there, Corporal!" The iron rations were all used up in the week-long bombardment. Still the English attack; even though they already lie shot down in their hundreds in front of our lines, fresh waves continue to pour over from their jumping-off positions. We have to shoot! A gunner grabs the water can, jumps down into the shell-hole and relieves himself. A second then also pisses into the water can - its quickly filled! The English are already in hand-grenade range; grenades fly to and fro. The barrel's been changed, the gun jacket filled - load! Hand-grenades and rifle-grenades explode violently in front of the gun - its not just unsettling, the loading gets into a tangle! You recite loudly, slowly and clearly saying to yourself: "forward - feed - back!" (knock the cocking handle forward - feed in the belt - throw back the cocking handle) - the same again! Safety catch to the right! - "feed through!"....tack-tack-tack-tack....a furious sustained fire once more strikes the "khakis" in front of us! Tall columns of steam rise from almost all the machine guns. The steam hoses of most guns are torn off or shot away. The skin of the gunners, of the gun commanders, hangs in shreds from their fingers, their hands are scalded! The left thumb's reduced to a swollen, shapeless piece of meat from continually pressing the safety catch. The hands grip the lightweight, thin gun handles as if locked in a seizure. Eighteen thousand shots! The platoon's other machine-gun jams. Gunner Schw. is shot in the head and falls over the belt that he feeds in. The belt's displaced, taking the cartridges at an angle into the feeder where they become stuck! Another gunner takes over! The dead man's laid to one side. The gunlayer takes out the feeder, removes the cartridges and reloads. Shooting, nothing but shooting, barrel changing, hauling ammunition and laying out the dead and wounded in the bottom of the trench, such is the harsh and furious pace of the morning of 1st July 1916. The harsh, clear report of the machine-guns is heard on every Division front. England's youth, Scotland's best regiments, bled to death in front of Serre. Our machine-gun, right by the Serre-Mailly road, commanded by the brave Unteroffizier [Corporal] Koch from Pforzheim, shoots through the last belt! It's driven twenty thousand shots into the English! After the initial confusion and panic caused by our unexpected resistance, after the horrific loss of life in their closely-packed attack formations, the English re-form. For two hours and more, wave upon wave breaks against us. With incredible tenacity, they run towards our trenches. In an exemplary show of courage and self-sacrifice, they climb from the safety of their jumping-off position only to be felled, barely having reached our shot-up barbed wire. Twenty, thirty meters in front of our guns, the brave ones fall, the first and the last attack waves together. Those following behind take cover behind their dead, groaning and moaning comrades. Many hang, mortally wounded, whimpering in the remains of the barbed wire and upon the hidden iron stakes of the barbed wire barricade. The survivors occupy the slight slope around and behind the remains of the barbed wire and shoot at us like things possessed, without much to aim at. They make cover for themselves from the bodies of their dead comrades and many of us fall in the fire. We shoot into the wire shreds, into the belt of barbed wire that winds to the earth. The hail of bullets breaks up at the wire and strikes downwards as an unpredictable crossfire into the protective slope. Soon the enemy fire dies out here as well. Fresh waves appear over there, half-emerge from cover then sink again behind the parapets. Officers jump onto the thrown-up earth and try to encourage their men by their example. Flat-helmets emerge in numbers once more only to disappear again immediately. The hail of bullets from our infantry and machine-guns sprays over their defences. The English officers no longer leave the trench. The sight of the field of attack takes the breath away from the attacker. The attack is dead. Our losses are very heavy. The enemy's losses are inconceivable. In front of our division's sector, the English lie in rows by company and by battalion, mowed-down, swept-away. The "No Man's Land", the in-between ground separating the two positions, is one great scene of misery. The battle falls silent, it seems to have frozen through so much misery and misfortune. Medical orderlies hurry into the battlefield, an English medical team appears from somewhere with many stretchers and unfolded Red Cross flags, a rare and shattering sight in trench warfare. Where to start!? Whimpering confronts them in almost every square meter. Our own medical orderlies, those who can be spared, join forces on the battlefield and place the enemy just as carefully into the hands of his people.3 Meanwhile the English support troops fared badly. Closely packed, caught between their jumping-off positions and advanced units of all kinds, they were unable to move forwards, backwards or sideways once the catastrophe began. Machine-guns mounted on sleds, elevated from the front line, with sights set at 500 to 700, shot an accurate line of fire into the English support troops. The deliberate destructive fire of the few German guns had a devastating effect on their ranks. Still shooting somewhere in the sector are two "Minenwerfer" [trench mortars] and a makeshift mortar put together by sappers, a so-called Albrecht-mortar (a wooden tube wrapped-around with thick coils of wire or steel bands). With a low rate of fire but with all the more terrible effect, this sent its shaky "jam-bucket", filled with a highly explosive charge, iron and thick glass, swaying through the air in the direction of Hebuterne. Wherever such a monster exploded 3 to 4 metres above the ground, the result was terrible to see. At the adjacent regiment on our left, situated in front of Beaumont, the enemy succeeds in breaking through to the third line. Our flank is threatened. If the enemy occupies the Heidenkopf, it looks bad for us in the valley. The 169 Regiment, that included the north- and northeastern sides of the Heidenkopf within its battle-sector, sends help to the Landwehrsmen. The slight, dashing Leutnant [2nd Lieutenant] Hoppe from Magdeburg throws the English out from the breach with a single infantry platoon from the third battalion in dazzling close combat. The English reserves, pushing from behind, that try to penetrate the gap, are caught in the flanking fire of one of our machine-guns that sees the opportunity and makes a positional change uphill - the Death Reaper! Here too the English soldiers fall to the ground in rows. Evening is drawing in. In front of the sector of the 52nd Infantry Division, the enemy's attack is defeated. Some kilometres further left, at Ovillers-Contalmaison, at la Boiselle, the enemy succeeds in breaking through the less-well consolidated position to a depth of one to two kilometres. The French succeed in breaking through at Peronne to a depth of 3 to 4 kilometres. Local successes, which they were able to extend to some two to four kilometres in a six-month long struggle - this loss of material, this sacrifice of life for that! The English-French dream of a bright and cheerful war of movement, a march to the Rhine, is over by the evening of 1st July. What happened on the part of the allied military command over the course of the further six months of the Battle of the Somme is the cruelest and the most incompetent bungling ever indulged in by an army command. The bases of Serre, Gommecourt, Beaumont-Hamel, which dominated the open-country towards Bapaume, remain in our hands. The 8th Baden Infantry Regiment 169 has the fame to be one of the few regiments which did not allow the English to gain a foothold in their sector on 1st July 1916. (Provided courtesy of Andrew Jackson http://www.pals.org.uk/pals_e.htm

because we so often seperate history from our collections I thought it time to reintroduce it ;-) At the moment I am working on the document section for the imperial Iron Cross book that a handful of us are doing with Gordon. The complete details will be availible at a later date, suffice to say for now that there will be a book and a corresponding web site. The book will be as gordon has posted, "big" but the website will make it "bigger". This is especially true for the document section. Like all books, we will have the documents pictured with a blurb of info... More or less as follows... Infanterie-Regiment 169 Sch?tzen Robert Otto (3. M.G. Komp.) The document was signed on the 11 January 1916 (corrected to 1917) by Hauptmann xxx, Batallionskommandeur The document is a special print for the XIV Reservekorps At the time of the award the Regt. was part of the 52. I.D. The 52. I.D. had a very quiet war until the battle of the Somme commenced. It suffered and caused heavy losses at Serre on the first day of the battle, then fought at Beaumont-Hamel, North of Thiepval from September to November 1916 at which time it was withdrawn from the battle. Otto's award was made while the Regt. was still in the rest area before being sent to the front again.

Ouch !

Stogieman has very meanly being poking fun at the haircuts seen on many Russian soldiers, its seems that the Soviet Union 1920-45 (and later) had a fetish for funny haircuts.... How about posting YOUR funny haircut photos, and an E-Beer to the collector who is custodien to the papers of the Commissar with the wierdest cut?

Signals in WW1? This is part of an annex to the Imperial Iron Cross book that I am lendig a hand on. The award document parts will have a bit of background to the kind of units shown on the document and soe eye witness accounts of those units in action. Forgive all the mistakes, it is not edited, just a rough draft. Prewar German manuels had warned that technical communications means ..if used to often and particularly in combat, could lead to the danger that a field officer may loose opportunities to use his initiative... As an alternative messengers on bicycles, on horses and on foot were suggested, cavalry relais stations were highly praised. Under technical communications were grouped field telephones, cable telegraphy, morse blinkers, semephore, wireless telegraphy, carrier pigeons, messenger dogs, automobiles and motorcycles. The war would prove, that to command troops in the field, all of the above methods were needed, and the success depended not only on the equipment, but also to a large extend on the sacrifice of the communications troops. During combat, communications on company, battalion and regimental level was originaly to be done by means of semaphore. After the outbreak of hostilities this proved not only to be impracticle, but also suicidle and soon this method of communication was to be used almost exclusively by troops in mountainous areas as it not only gave away the units position, but also led to high casaulties amongst the exposed signallers. During the initial mobile phase of the war, the "Race for the sea", little changed in the German signalling services, but the Germans were soon to learn, particularly from the French, that the telephone cable was an important battlefield innovation. German troops advancing in the Vogesen found themselves under accurate artillery fire in areas where no French troops were to be found. The Germans were both furious and astounded to discover telephone cables leading to hidden artillery observers. This potential had not yet been appretiated by the German army. It was only as the armies started digging in that the use of field telephones began to spread, first connecting companies to battalions, battalions to regiments and the regiments to higher commnds. The lines then stretched to include neighbouring units, artillery observers, supply units and administrative offices. By the end of the war the German Nachrichten troops consisted of At the highest levels 96 Kraftwagen-Fernsprech-Bauz?ge 30 Fernsprech-Bauz?ge 97 Fernsprech-Betriebsz?ge 20 Fernsprech-Stations 72 Blinkerz?ge Heeres-Nachrichten-Schule Heeres-Nachrichten-Park At the Heeresgruppen Level 5 Heeresgruppen-Fernsprech-Abteilungen At the Armee-Oberkommandoes 47 Fernsprech-Abtelungen 23 Armee-Funker-Abteilungen 20 Armee-Nachrichten-Parks 17 Messengerdog Staffeln At Generalkommando level 71 Gruppen-Fernsprech-Abteilungen 63 Gruppen-Funker-Abteilungen At the divisional level 242 Divisions-Fernsprech-Abteilungen 193 Divisions-Funker-Abteilungen 292 Abhorstationen 617 Carrier pidgeon units. ... by the time the time the guns died down in 1918 the German signal troops had layed 6 million kilometers of telephone cable, enough to circle the world 15 times. The higher commands At the outbreak of the war the Chef der Telegraphie was in command of the Nachrichten branch, at his personal disposition were 1 Kraftwagen-Funkenstation and 1 Fernsprech-Abteilung. Each Armee-Oberkommando had a staff officer of the Telegraphentruppen who acted as advisor and was responsible for technical details concerning communications (1J1). Under his command was an Armee-Telegraphen-Abteilung, a Funker-Kommando and 2 Schwere Funkenstationen (1J12). Each Generalkommando had a Korps-Fernsprech-Abteilung. In December 1916 Hindenburg reorganised numerous existing army command structures, including the Nachrichten services. At Armee-Oberkommando the position of the staff officer of the Telegraphentruppen was disolved and an Armee-Fernsprech-Kommandeur (Akofern) were appointed, followed soon after by a Armee-Funker-Kommandeur (Akofunk). At Generalkommando level there had initially been no higher ranking signals officer. In December 1916 however, each Gruppenkommando recieved a Gruppenkommandeur der Fernsprechtruppen (Grukofern) and Gruppenkommandeur der Funkertruppen (Grukofunk). The Generalkommando-Fernsprech-Abteilung was renamed Gruppen-Fernsprech-Abteilung with 11 Officers and 285 other ranks divided into a Stationszug, 2 Fernsprechzuge and a Ger?tekolonne. A total of 62 Gruppen-Fernsprech-Abteilungen. Another reshuffle took place in August-September 1917. The Akofern and Akofunk fell away and an Armee-Nachrichten-Kommandeur (Akonach) took over the Nachrichten units within the A.O.K.s, excluding those under Generalkommando or Divisional control. The Akonach was desponsible for the coordination, readiness and communication regulations and security within his area of command and were centrally numbered from 1-26. The Grukofern and Grukofunk gave way to a Grukonach (1J2) whose duties were more or less the same as the Akonach, but at a lower level. The Grukonach were numbered as follows. Those in Active Generalkommando or Generalkommandoes z.b.V. took the number of the Generalkommando and added 600, Reserves added 700. Only the Garde- and Gardereservekorps Akonachs were named according to their unit. 4 Grukonach were maintained at Heeres level, these were numbered 202-204 and 206. In the Etappe there existed Fernsprech- and Funkerdepots which pooled reserves and were responsible for repairs. In spring of 1917 these were reformed and a la suite each Armee had a Armee-Fernsprech-Park and Armee-Funker-Park . An emergency reserve was formed at Heeres level with two Armee-Nachrichten-Park. On the Western front in 1917 the Heeresgruppen-Kommandos formed much needed Fernsprech formations. These were called Heeresgruppen-Fernsprech-Abteilungen and werenumbered 200-202. With the increase in Heeresgruppen in 1918 a 203 and 204 were formed. Divisional level The cavalry divisions had gone to war with a Nachrichten-Abteilung consisting of one Schweren- and two Leichten-Funkenstationen. The active and reserve infantry divisions had gone to war without homogenous Fernsprech or Funker units, but it was soon realised that they were desperately needed on divisional level. In the Autumn of 1915 the divisions finally recieved their telephone units, a Fernsprech-Betriebszug (operaters) and a Fernsprech-Bauzug (Line laying and maintenence). These were combined within their respective divisions to form a Doppelzug (1J3). (There were also independant Betriebs- and Bau-Zuge at Armee level.) The experiances gained at Verdun, where artillery fire constantly destroyed wires and disrupted communications led to a number of innovations and changes. Some innovations included older methods like carrier pidgeons and messenger dogs as well as signal rockets and signaltrupps who used blinckers but the most important innovation was the use of Funker units within the divisions. Independant Funkenstation were formed to be attached to forward infantry units. As the war had progressed lighter wireless sets had been developed and were issued to these signal troops. In July 1916 these were named "Funker-Abteilung (kleinstationen)" . The Funker-Abteilungen (Kleinstationen) were initially only attached to divisions when and were they were needed. They were renamed Funken-Kleinabteilungen in November 1916. On the 30th May 1917 they were renamed Divisions-Funker-Abteilungen (1J9) and became a permenent element within the divisions. To achieve this the numbers were increased from 102 to 192. These Abteilungen had 6 officers and 222 men, divided into a Funkenstation and 2 Funkenz?gen. Their maximum communications range was 100 kms. Under Hindenburg in December 1916 there was a structural and name change for the Fernsprech troops at divisional level. The Divisions-Doppelzug was renamed a Divisions-Fernsprech-Abteilung (1J8) (1J10) (1J11) with 11 officers and 350 men divided into Stationszug and 3 Fernsprechz?ge. A total of 250 Divisions-Fernsprech-Abteilungen were formed. In the same reshuffle a new position was created at divisional level, that of Divisions-Nachrichten-Kommandeur (Divkonach). The Nachrichten networks within the divisions had grown to a point where a resposible (in the form of the Divkonach) was needed to assure a uniformity of communications and methods of communication within the Division. Regimental level When the German army mobilised in 1914, cable telegraphy was only used at divisional level and higher and wireless telegraphy at Armee level to the highest command posts. At the Regimental level and lower the field telephone would be the standard method of communication for the duration of the war. Although not having Telephone units of their own at the outbreak of the war, the infantry did have Fernspr?chgeraete (telephones) issued to them and using these, formed their own internal Fernsprechtrupps. Each battalion had 12 telephone operators with a grand total of 12 kms of cable for for use in static positions. Each company had an Unteroffizier and 3 men who were designated as telephone operaters. Only in 1917 was an independant Truppen-Nachrichten-Abteilung formed at regimental level. Commanding this was an Officer at Regimental headquaters and at battalion level a Vizefeldwebel with a Zug under his command (1J7). The batallion Zug had 4-5 Fernsprechtrupps, each with an NCO and 4 men, 2-3 Blinkertrupps with an NCO and 3 men, 4-6 dog handlers with 2-3 dogs and 2-3 men in charge of signal rockets and flares. At company level runners were provided to take messages between the units. By Febuary 1918 the Nachrichten units at the Regimental and Batallion levels became formal Truppennachrichtenz?ge. These did not consist solely of the Fernsprechtrupps but also included messsenger dogs, carrier pidgeons, flares, signel horns, sirens, bells and various kinds of signalling flags. Also included in their area of responsibility were special marker and illumination rounds used by the minenwerfer as well as special rounds which could fire messages to the rear. Infantry companies had messengers and two bicycles and at battalion and regimental level there were often a handfull of mounted messengers detached from the cavalry. Listening posts The listening service, "Ahrendstationen", were formed towards the end of 1915, but it was only in January 1917 that they became independant units. In Febuary 1917 there were 22 Arendt-Abteilungen (1J4). In March 1918 they were restructured into 292 Arendt-Stationen. Of these, one was attached to each division (1J5) leaving a number free as a reserve. The staffs of the now defunkt Abteilungen were reasigned to the Akonach and Grukonach to process the information from the messages heard by the stations. Until 1916 there was a carefree exchange of conversation on the field telephone lines. There were few apparant dangers and no concievable negative effects. At some point in 1916 the Germans began to suspect that their communications were being overheard. This suspicion was confirmed then special communications equipment was discioverd in a captured enemy trench. The fact that the enemy could branch themselves directly onto a telephone line was not the issue as the lines ran behind the German lines, rather the enemy was using the electrical current in the earth to listen in. A field telephone operated in an electrical circuit, the message only being transmitted when the current went from the sender to the reciever and back again. This required 2 cables between telephones. An alternate system had been developed to save the confusion that would be caused by having double the amount of cables being strung between positions. The second wire, instead of being connected between the two telephones was connected between the telephone and a steel peg or bayonet, which in turn was stuck into the damp earth, in this way the current would be carried by the earth from one telephone to the other. The catch was, the current did not travel directly from one bayonet to the other, but radiated in all directions. If one was to put another cable into the ground, a "searcher cable", it was possible to pick up these currents, usually to weak to be of any use. With a system of valves and special light bulbs the enemy had suceeded in increasing this current to a point where he could listen in on the telephone conversaton of the German signallers. The Germans immediatly tried to implement counter measures, includining running an "earth wire" with a length of 4-500 meters behind their line. This did not seem to have any effect, so they were forced to do away with the earthing system and run double lines between telephones. It was soon discovered that only telephone lines in perfect condition were secure. Any slight damage to the isolating cover would mean the wire would give off current and this in turn would radiate to enemy litening posts. The German signallers did not take long in creating their own listening stations, named Ahrendtstationen after their founder. These rapidly surpassed the technology and efficiency of the enemy stations. Signalers would often sneak across nomans land and earth their searcher cables directly in front of the enemy positions, or alternately attach them to the enemy barbed wire, which acted as a superb conductor. The results were extremely satisfying to the German high command. It did not take long for the enemy to realise that the Germans now also had listening posts. The counter measures were limited, as on the German side, to implementing a double wire system. This could not prevent the enemy listening in, but did limit the amount of traffic he could listen to. Both sides imposed strict control on telephone conversations, including the content and frequency. Lines not of tactical necessity were removed and front line units were limited to only the bare minimum of calls, once again limited to those of tactical neccesity. The Arendt-Stationen, in addition to their task of listening in on enemy conversations also listened for enemy tunnelers and miners as well as being responsible for listening in on German conversations. All conversations, both enemy and friendly, were recorded and sent to the rear to be controlled. This allowed the staff to sanction those who had breached the rules related to telephone security and access what information may have been intercepted by enemy listeners. At the Front The spiderweb of Telephone lines required a complicated system of administration. Signs, colour coding and maps allowed signallers to recognise which line went where and which unit was responsible for the maintenance of which cable. The wet earth tended to corrode the isolation on the wires and the blast caused by artillery shells would cause the wires to rip. To protect the cables behind the lines they were usually strung above the ground on wooden posts, ideally 3m above the ground. In the front line they would run at knee height, except in places where they had to cross the trenches. Here the immagination of the signallers came into play and they used pipes, tar paper and bits of wood to build protective tunnels to protect the cables from hobnailed boots and moisture. From around the summer of 1916 new cables of lead and steel arrived at the front. These could be buried and as such were better protected against blast and shrapnel. As long as there was no or little artillery fire the system worked perfectly. This changed drastically in the case of sustained or heavy bombardment. A damaged line could mean single or multiple repairs, or even the laying of a new emergency line. What the signallers had to go through in such a case required a large degree of bravery and self sacrifice. When the communication failed they would have to leave their bunker, often the trench as well, and go out into the night, rain, snow or barrage. Two men would start out from each side working towards each other, carrying their spare wires and repair equipment. Between the battalion and regimental staffs special repair groups lay ready the men doubling as messangers in case of emergency. One such man was Gefreiter Bruno J?ger (1J6) who's commander wrote "J?ger has served on the Regimental staff since May 1917. in this time he has proved himself to be a very reliable telephone operater and in the last days of the Flanders offensive distinguished himself with courageous, brave and unshakable actions. At all times he undertook cable patrols, repairing lines under heavy enemy fire, thereby insuring the command posts had communication with the guns and that commands and orders could transmitted. J?ger is fully deserving of the proposed award." A short description of the task of the telephonist in an Artillery unit can be found in "F.A.R. 65 im Weltkrieg 1914-1918" by Hermann Neeff "Between the bomb carters the Observer and his telephonists crouch in a hole they had dug. They remain in position, sleepless, with the telephone to their ears. Occasionally the connection to the battery would suceed, only to have the telephone cables ripped by explosions. At these moments the telephonists crept uncomplaining out of the hole and went into the withering fire to repair the line. Many, many did not return.... and the next man would go out to do the job...." In the HQ In narrow passages, almost like an underground sewer crossing the Vaux-Wald, the regimental headquaters fought its Somme battle. The name "Vaux-Wald" is pretty, the place itself was anything but. The forest consists of bare tree trunks and roots, churned up by the heavy shells. The enemy artillery fires here ceaselessly, obviously believing that the reserve troops are hidden here. In reality there is only a batallion here, hiding in half destroyed underground bunkers. The main body of troops is in the St.-Pierre-Vaast-Wald. Also there are the K.T.K. Bunkers (Kampf-Truppen-Kommanduer or Combat troop commander for each battalion). The K.T.K. bunkers, regimental headquaters, the various companies and the observation posts are joined by lines of thin wire. Most of the wires have been destroyed making converstion impossible, it is always so when communictation is needed the most, when an enemy attack is just about to be launched or has just started. It is then that the fieldtelephonists curse as they have to go out in the barrage and follow the lines until they find the damaged section. It is no relaxing and easy job when the enemy artillery is firing. To find the weakspots in time the telephonists are cranking their telephones all the time "Whirr-whirr-whirr"... checking the connections. In the regimental command post the telephonist sits with the receiver glued to his ear. Next to him sits the regimental commander and his adjutant, a trench light flickering above the telephone. The stairs down to the bunker are crammed with messengers, telephonists, clerks to copy down the orders and events and men responsible for the signal flares. The headquaters is packed with men, all listening for the "whirr-whirr-whirr". They all know that when it no longer works, that they must run out into the death and destruction above to pass the orders on by alternate means. All ears listen intently. The Vaast-Wald had been under fire for hours, now it was the turn of the Vaux-Wald. Everyone knows that this Sperrfeuer is to hinder the reserves from moving to the front line, it meant the enemy was getting ready to attack The bunker becomes more and more clustered as the working parties return and crowd into the shelter. Those to the rear can hardly breathe as the air cannot circulate. Noone complains, there is more at stake here than the comfort of a small group. "Whirr- whirr- whirr" The commander - "Give me the telephone. Yes..who is it.. Ah, observation post Nameless wood...superb, you also have communication to your right...and how? Enemy..." An explosion on the roof of the bunker, the occupants instinctively duck their heads. "Hallo? Nameless wood? Good, here is the regimental commander. Understood, II Batln under attack. One moment..." he turns "Herr Oberleutnant, order the III. Batln. forward into the gorge, ready to counter attack." back to the telephone "Yes? " to the clerk "Dietrich, take this down." back to the telephone "Yes? Enemy directly in front of the II. Batln positions. Red flares. Our artillery boxing the sector in, good. Enemy groups are breaking into the II. Batln positions...Hallo? Hallo? are you still there? yes... what? A flank attack on Nameless wood...damn it all! Throw in everything you have!" Two thunderous explosions. "A flashlight, quick some light!" Two more explosions... "Hallo? Is that the observation post in Nameless Wood?" to the adjutant " Send a report to the brigade, enemy attack on position Caeser. And fast! Send a carrier pidgeon and the cavalryman. Is the cavalryman from Brigade still here?" "Present sir!" "Then on your way!" "Both my horses have been killed by artillery sir.." "Then use your legs! Hallo, Nameless wood? Are we still connected? Good...understood, enemy advancing into Nameless wood...yes...what? ..Damn..what was that? The line is down. Hallo? Hallo?" To the adjutant "Herr Oberleutnant, send the cavalryman to brigade Headquaters, tell them to send the counterattack regiment." To the telephone "Hallo? Haaaalllo? Damn the air in here, one can barely speak. Hallo? Ah, the connection is back...Now what! What the hell is this! They have laid the telephone aside...wait..." Turning to the adjutant "Herr Oberleutnant, listen to this... that is English !...QUIET UP THERE! " he shouts up the stairs, "An Englander is demanding paper and maps!" The Battalion command post is overun, English voices are issuing orders, they have not noticed the telephone. Voices come from above our bunker, the enemy is firing gas shells. The Commander shouts "Gasmasks on ! Runner Gohlke, to the reserve company, immediate counter attack on the Nameless wood. Runner xxx, to the field artillery, they are to seal off the frontline positions. Runner Koppe to me, right away!" The regimental commander orders Telephonist Bolke to fetch Koppe. Bolke dissapears through the bunker exit. The occupants wait, the Oberleutnant gets impatient...at last Bolke returns. "Is Koppe there?" "Yes Herr Oberleutnant..." "Good God! Then where is he..is he coming or not?" "Sorry sir, he cant..." "Are you mad! what is that supposed to mean?" "Sir, Runner Koppe requests permission to go to the quatermaster to exchange kit...." The adjutant fumes " Is everyone around me going mad! Send Koppe to me right away!" "Herr Oberlutnant, Koppe cannot come, He was outside, he needed to go to the toilet. Shells came down and in his haste he dived into the nearest hole. It was the old latrine..." A runner from the III. Battalion arrives and pushes his way into the bunker, gasping for breath. "Is the Herr Oberlutnant here? Sir! The enemy broke through, III. Bataillon is counter attacking." "Thanks you Runner Piether. Everyone in the next bunker is to get ready. They will form a defensive line and observation post in the direction of the enemy. As soon as the first enemy soldiers appear they are to ring the gas gong. All able men to take part in the counter attack." A report comes down that the cavalryman has been found dead, the his message has not reached brigade. "What a pity, the poor man. Well, we are all alone then. Everyone passing by must be pulled into the line and will join in the defence...the Unteroffizier there, you collect the men..." "Whirr-whirr-whirr" A startled hush as everyone looks at the telephone The Oberleutnant grabs it "What?...Who?...Observation post Nameless wood... positions overun and the enemy is thrown out...yes...III. Bataillon...60 Prisonners, Good, enemy retreating to his lines, our soldiers have taken their original positions..." "Miracels DO happen... and with that the end of another day. Unteroffizier, the following report to the brigade "In Caeser position an enemy attack thrown back, enemy back in his position"... and thats it then. Lets see what tonights Armee report says about the Somme battle....." Messenger Wilhelm Michael in his book Infanterist Perhobstler describes a journey as a messenger between 2 units. There was no way to hide, it was as if the almighty himself had called. !Go to the left," he said casually, "see if we have contact with the heighbouring battalion." Between our positions and the neighbouring batallion lay about 200 meters .... and a curtain of shrapnel. By 1914 standards the barrage would have been considered impenetrable, but nowdays.. I was to test the impenetrability. Before starting accross I looked around, experiance told me that there would be some kind of trench line, and there it was, the remains were visable. I began to run its length. The ground was very uneven and the going was difficult, it was like running in a marsh. Every now and then a flare went up, the English were lighting the way for me. Flares, the occasional bullet whizzing low accross the ground and shrapnel, raining down around me. Suddenly I reached the neighbouring Battalion, or so I thought. The shrapnel bursts had ceased as I approached but now a flare shot up, right under my nose it seemed. I hit the ground and found myself laying face to face with a corpse. His face was black with two rows of shining white teeth. I lay frozen until the flare flickered out. I realised now why the ground had been so difficult to walk on, I had been walking over bodies. I jumped out of the trench and began to move along it. Out in the open I saw the shapes of men. Relieved I ran towards them, happy to have found the way. About 10 meters from the figures I stopped, my heart beating in my throat. It was quiet here, the men were talking and working, they were making barbed wire obstacles. Instinctively I dropped to the ground. Another flare went up and I saw what a close call it had been... in front of me were Englanders! I lay still, playing dead, only my right hand moved, feeling carefully for my pistol. As the next flare lit up the surroundings I stared hypnotised at the figures who crouched ahead of me, unmoving. But ahead of me there were more soldiers laying on the vround! For a second my heart stopped... it began to beat again, slowly, as I realised they were corpses and those who were crouching were a work party, in their hands they held no rifles, just wire, posts and hammers. In the meantime my hand had found my pistol. Hidden among the bodies, realising the men in front were workers, I began to feel a small dose of courage returning. At least enough courage to give me hope. I did not think of escape yet. The dead men gave me a strange feeling of security, I was able to relax a bit and take stock of the situation. The immediate dangers became clearer. Ahead of me someone spoke. Until then I had not heard anything, only seen. Now I could clearly hear. I did not understand the words, but I knew what they were saying. Any infantryman, no matter what language he spoke would have understood... they were cursing. I would have liked to stand up and walk over to join in the cursing but I had no way of knowing how they would react. It somehow felt like the most natural action, to go over to the working party for a chat. They stood there, ordered to make wire barricades against men they did not know, all the time aware of the fact that they could get a bullet in the belly at any second. But at that moment I felt a surge of courage, I got up and ran. I later remember hearing a shout, but it did not register at the time. Something landed ahead of me and I dived away from it, my head in the mud. Another object landed...Handgrenades ! They exploded one after the other then I jumped up and ran a few more paces... I had no idea where to run. I dropped to the ground again. In that instant a flare went up. God! Two men were standing, looking for me ! In the half light of the flare I fired a few panicked shots at them, and ran. I had lost all orientation. In the distance shrapnel was bursting, I ran towards it. It did not take long to reach the area that was under fire... but I had no idea what to do when I got there. What DID I do.. I dont remember exactly, but an hour later I found that my magazine was empty. I must assume that I had hidden within the barrage and in a kind of impotant fury had emptied my pistol in the general direction of the working party, who were about 100 paces away. A pathetic, stupid action. Now that so many people have written about how they had moments of weakness, moments of cowardice, I feel no reticence in recounting my own. Actually, it was no big deal, but for one who always prided himself on his fighting prowess, I felt ashamed that it could happen to me. I had almost become sentimental... until they had thrown the granades. My feeling of international brotherhood had been dealt a death blow, and that angered me. Like a fool it made me bear a grudge for a long time to come. I think that is the worst that came out of my experiances that day. It incited me to actively look for opportunities for revenge. After that night Sgt Weihel and I would spend much time clambering around on the Hohenzollern redoubt looking for chances to kill the enemy. But the other side also had its Penobstlers and Weihels, and they in turn did their best to hunt our men. It in no way made our actions any better, but neccessary. That night I did not find my way back. I did not think anyone would miss me. I arrived the next moning and reported to my commander, frost residue still on my trousers. "Thank God, little Kirsch was beginning to worry you had bought it," he greeted me. My friend Adam Kirsh danced for joy when he saw me. "Ya know Penhostler, the worse thing about it would have been trying to find your body amongst all the others out there!" I silently drank the coffee he had given me.

Any idea where this originates from? Mainly used from what I understand when a unit lets off a lot of fire for a short time.

rt

ee

may 1918

Novemebr 1916

March 1917

June 1916

August 18

July 1918

Feldarty 69 november 1916

qq

Staff field arty regt 233

44

Probably 3rd Batln IR 169 january 1916 or january 1917 , he was a Hauptman.

A hard one... footarty batl. 125

March 1917

October 1917

Okay, Round 2... I left up the pix that are not yet identified... Now some more... June 1916